Monday, 6 November 2017

Accessible Academia

Researchers and students truly ought to take a moment to realise just how fortunate we are. We are researching during the rise of digitisation projects all over the world. Today I was once again struck by just how fortunate I am to be researching at this very moment.
Using nothing but my iPad, today I managed to download both volumes of Daniel and Maltomini's 1991 addition to the Greek Magical Papyri, the Supplementum Magicum from my university's eSpace collection. The University of Queensland had digitised these in June 2016 and made them available to staff and students. I looked at the magical text which outlined how to cure insomnia. The text advised writing a name on a laurel leaf and placing it under the head, but it did not specify the name. My curiosity was piqued. Was the papyrus incomplete and the name lost? Was there some magical symbol which acted as a name drawn on the papyrus and not included in the transcription of the text? The book said that this second century CE text was housed by the Public and University Library of Geneva. A quick google search later, I was looking at a high quality digital image of that papyrus. There was nothing missing.
I was afterwards struck by how in less than hour I had managed to complete two research tasks at home which, if I had attempted to do them a decade earlier, would have taken me weeks if not months to do. The trip from home to uni to look at a physical copy of Supplementum Magicum would have taken as long as both tasks did, and arranging a trip to Switzerland to view one papyrus would not have happened, but a study trip which included it would have taken months to organise, (and as an honorary research fellow the trip would also be self-funded). A decade ago there was no way I could have looked at this papyrus before I referred to it at an upcoming conference. For me, this accessibility goes beyond saving time and money, as it also saves me pain.
While a lot of blogs and research projects are being devoted to "digital humanities" (and I continue to fail to understand exactly to what this term refers), I would like to draw some attention to how digitisation projects are especially helpful to historians with physical disabilities. 
I feared how the progression of my arthritis would affect my ability to research and read in general (holding books and papers can be painful), but the combination of electronic devices like iPads and digitisation projects have been extraordinarily beneficial to me.
Databases like JSTOR and Project Muse are an obvious boon, and they rely on the digitisation of early volumes of a variety of journals. Yet these represent a tiny portion of the benefit I have derived from digitisation projects. My research on the ancient medical text Medicina Plinii led to my discovery of a multitude of digitised resources which allowed me to complete my research predominantly using my iPad. A specialised ancient medicine resource was Galen of Pergamum: The Transmission, Interpretation and Completion of Ancient Medicine (Corpus Medicorum Graecorum). It provides digitised copies of critical editions of various Latin and Greek medical texts. For more generic research, even more helpful were projects like Google Books and Internet Archive.  When following up on random references to obscure ancient texts which no one has bothered to publish new editions for almost a century, these digitisation projects are invaluable. As an ancient historian I also benefit from the Loeb Digital Library, but also found online collections of out of copyright Loebs pages very useful. Digitised patristic texts can also be found online. Various digitisation projects have even enabled me to download PDF copies of texts which my library never owned. I can now look at a 17th century book which in 2005 I photographed using film in 2005 while at the University of Otago online, and I don't have to use a magnifying glass to read the pages. 
In addition to the digitisation of printed books and journals, institutions all over the world are digitising ancient papyri and medieval manuscripts. Whereas before I had to trust the notes included in critical editions of Greek and Latin texts, today I can go online and look at the pages of manuscripts and papyri for myself, just like I did today. The digitisation of this sort of material is most beneficial for ancient historians, especially those of us in Australia who are so far removed from the large European collections: we are able to look at these works without expensive international travel. These projects are beneficial as they democratise access while helping to preserve the well-being of these artefacts. But for people with physical disabilities, the ability to look at an ancient manuscript without causing ourselves pain or mishandling material is an additional benefit as well.
Every time I go online to view a papyrus or manuscript, I thank my lucky stars for being able to research during this time period. Not only can I look at all this material from Australia, I can do so in a manner best suited to my physical disabilities: on my iPad with my feet up. Digitisation projects directly lead to accessible academia, and I am truly grateful for it.
I've included below some helpful links to various digitised collections which include materials helpful to the study of ancient history in no particular order which I have used.
Virtual manuscript library of Switzerland. They have also developed an app.
There are many other projects. Google manuscript digitisation projects and dive in. A wonderful world of ancient texts and medieval manuscripts are just a few clicks or taps away.

Friday, 27 October 2017

Euphorbia: identifying the late addition to Graeco-Roman materia medica

Euphorbia (also spelled euphorbea) was a relatively late-comer to the medical materials used in the medicine of the classical world. The plant was discovered by King Juba of Mauritania in the Atlas Mountains, probably during the reign of Augustus. Despite the fact that this plant was discovered centuries after the earliest Greek medical writings, this plant was quickly adopted by doctors of the Mediterranean world, and was described in both Latin and Greek texts.
The success of this was likely the result of Juba writing a treatise about the plant, describing it and how its latex was harvested for use, and might also have been assisted by his decision to name the plant after his physician, Euphorbus, rather than after himself.1 It is not possible to determine how much borrowed "authority" this naming might have bestowed the material, but we do know that Euphorbus's brother was famed in Rome for saving the life of Augustus.2
This latex was soon used for a variety of conditions, including but not limited to, the dispersal of cataracts when mixed with other ingredients because it burns3; in the treatment of snake bites by placing it into a deep cut made into the top of the head (I don't even want to think about what experiments occurred to discover this as this is one of the earliest uses recorded)4; and lethargus when mixed with vinegar (often translated as lethargy, but is more akin to a comatose condition) where the smell was thought to promote sneezing and thus wake the patient.
But what exactly is this plant? When looking at historical sources which describe materia medica, identifying the species of plant or animal is the most difficult thing to do.6 Pliny described it as having the appearance of thyrsus (that is the staff carried by a maenad) and the leaves of the acanthus. Dioscorides stated that it resembled the giant fennel,7 the plant from which maenads made her thyrsus. The thyrsus was often taller than the maenad, and the plant commonly considered to be the giant fennel, Ferula communis, commonly grows 1.8-3m tall. So, this euphorbia which grew in the Atlas Mountains should be extremely tall, yet for more than a century now, ancient euphorbia has been identified as Euphorbia resinifera,8 a plant which is indigenous to the Atlas Mountains and produces copious amounts of latex used in folk medicine,9 but it only grows to 61cm in height and has no acanthus-like leaves. It looks like a ground-cover, whereas the giant fennel is completely different and tall.
Photograph of Euphorbia resinifera from a public garden Giant fennel growing at Delphi with woman beside to compare size

Yes, the plant described by Pliny might have evolved into this smaller form, but there is no evidence on which to base this. What it does gave in common is the appearance of the latex once dried. Pliny stated that it looked like frankincense, while King's American Dispensatory described the dried latex of E. resinifera as "irregular, yellowish, or brownish, slightly friable tears, of a wax-like appearance",10 a description that could be used also for frankincense.
According to the Euphorbia Planetary Biodiversity Inventory project, there are at least 2100 species of Euphorbia, something that I wish I had known when I impulse purchased a Euphorbia at a nursery last year because of my ancient medical research (by comparing cyanthia-the bunches of flowers- it appears that I had bought a E. millii which is actually Madagascan). While research is being done on the chemical composition of the various latexes of the more commonly known species, there isn't a lot of time devoted to the appearance of the latex. So today I made a small incision in my E. millii plant. Before I even removed my stanley knife, a bead of latex immediately welled up. 
Euphorbia millii latex
While Pliny described the harvesting of euphorbia latex as resulting in irritation, I placed this small amount of latex on my wrist and experienced no irritation. I did NOT place any in my eye, because I am not an idiot. No one recommends placing any Euphorbia latex near your eyes or any place really (please note that pointsettia are Euphorbia this Christmas). It's smell was extremely faint, and in know way unpleasant. If I can manage to obtain a sufficient quantity, I will attempt to dry this latex to see what it looks like. If it resembles frankincense, we might need to consider the idea that numerous Euphorbia species' latex look like frankincense and that this resemblance is not sufficient to identify ancient euphorbia with E. resinifera.

1 Pliny Natural History 25.38.77-8. The whole of this section of Pliny reads: 

"In the age too of our fathers King Juba discovered a plant to which he gave the name euphorbea, calling it after his own physician Euphorbus. This man was the brother of the Musa we have mentioned as the saviour of the life of the late Emperor Augustus. It was these brothers who first adopted the plan of bracing the body by copious douches of cold water after the bath. Before this the custom was to bathe in hot water only, as we find that it is also in Homer. But the treatise also of Juba on this plant is still extant, and it makes a splendid testimonial. He discovered it on Mount Atlas: it has the appearance of a thyrsus and the leaves of the acanthus. Its potency is so great that the juice, obtained by incision with a pole, is gathered from a distance; it is caught in receivers made of kids’ stomachs placed underneath. Fluid and like milk as it drops down, when it has dried and congealed it has all the features [the Latin states effigiem, so this does refer to appearance] of frankincense. The collectors find their vision improved. It is employed as treatment for snake-bite. In whatever part of the body the bite may be, an incision is made in the top of the skull and the medicament inserted there." Trans. Jones and Andrews 1956 (Loeb Classical Library).

Pliny Natural History 25.38.77 and 19.38.128.
Dioscorides De Materia Medica 3.82.3.
4 Dioscorides De Materia Medica 3.82.3; Pliny Natural History 25.38.78; Medicina Plinii 3.37.6; Philomenus 28.2; and Aelius Promotus 23.
5 Pliny Natural History 26.72.118; Serenus 55 lines 1001-2; Medicina Plinii 3.18.4; Pseudo-Theodorus Ad II, 2 (15); Cassius Felix 63; Aretaeus De curatione acutorum morborum 1.2.11&13; Alexander Therapeutica 4; and AĆ«tius 3.114.
6 Aliotta, G, De Santo, NG, Pollio, A, Sepe, J, & Touwaide, A 2004, ‘The diuretic use of Scillafrom Dioscorides to the end of the 18th century’, Journal of Nephrology, vol. 17, p. 342.
7 Dioscorides De Materia Medica 3.82.1.
8 For example King, J, Felter, HW, & Lloyd, JU 1905 King's American Dispensatory volume 1, p. 743 and Beck, LY 2011 Pedanius Dioscorides of Anazarbus De materia medica, pp. 221.
9 Bouiamrine, EH, Bachiri, L, Ibijbijen, J, & Nassiri, L 2017,  'Use of medicinal plants in Middle Atlas of Morocco: potential health risks and indigenous knowledge in a Berber community' Journal of Medicinal Plants Studies,vol. 5, p. 340.
10 King's American Dispensatory volume 1, p. 743.

Saturday, 9 September 2017

Slanting the Facts: infographics misrepresenting the past and the present

Infographics. They appear quite often in our social media news feeds. Sometimes they seek to be informative. Sometimes they seek to be humorous. Sometimes they seek to obfuscate. Sometimes they seek to do all three. Yesterday, I created one which does just that.
As an historian I find the moral judgement of the past by modern standards infuriating when done in earnest, but when it is done as a joke, I find it hilarious, and my newly designed infographic was designed thus. Years ago, quite possibly even a decade ago, my younger brother and I started joking about how members of PETA (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, you know, the ones who often get naked) would react if they travelled back in time to the Graeco-Roman period. As often happens when we start such discussions, we followed through to the most absurd outcome, in this case to what degree they would despise Heracles. I joked that I'd buy a shirt which featured that joke.
This private joke has continued between us since then, and having recently concluded a major research project I decided to devote some time to art, and decided the time had come to bring this old joke to fruition. While I was obviously always going to include the Nemean Lion, Lernian Hydra, and Stymphalian Birds, I knew I had to decide not just what to include, but what to exclude. I knew I couldn't include all twelve labours, as not all of them led to the maltreatment of animals, and this was meant to be something that could work as a t-shirt. 
I had always wanted to include Cerberus because I was amused by Robin Bond's depiction of the French Maid character attacking Dionysus dressed as Heracles for being so mean to "that poor puppy" in Aristophanes' Frogs. This posed a problem. If molesting animals (which I'm sure PETA would include) was to be included, I would have too many examples to include. I needed to reconsider the Twelve Labours more critically. As this wasn't an academic paper, I checked out Perseus Project's Hercules, Greece's greatest hero online exhibition
I had forgotten completely about the Hind of Ceryneia, and decided to include her because she was Artemis' pet, and Heracles did shoot her. When I reacquainted myself with the Cattle of Geryon, I came across a character I had never noted before, Orthros, Cerberus' two-headed brother, whom Heracles killed to take the cattle. I made the tough decision to abandon Cerberus for his ill-fated, less famous brother. None of the other animals in the labours were killed (I am a Harry Potter fan and know what happens to those who consider centaurs animals), so I decided to add the snakes Hera sent to kill Heracles as a baby. So I ended up with six examples; a good size to fit on a t-shirt or infographic.
When I drew the Nemean Lion, I had unintentionally made him look happy, so I made the decision to try make these creatures look as harmless as possible. My hydra looks quite cartoonish, with one head looking particularly quizzical. I drew the Stymphalian Birds in flight deliberately to reflect the practice of duck hunting where the birds are shot while in flight. I based the hind on a sitting red deer doe to suggest even more timidity, and the open-mouthed head of Orthros was based on my own dog, Pompey. Given my deliberate attempts to downplay the potentially monstrous natures of these animals, I based Hera's snakes on corn snakes, the least scary snake I could think of as an Australian. 
Once my drawings were completed, I needed to figure out my text. While I still like the idea of mocking PETA, I decided to make my infographic more general for two reasons: they get enough attention already, and they would consider the majority of the labours as animal abuse. While I think the attribution of anachronistic moral approaches to history would fit especially with PETA, similar anachronistic approaches to the past occur all the time online, so it still fits the joke to give a more generic description. I also decided to use the name Hercules, instead of Heracles, as it is more widely known thanks to Disney. I then decided to consider each of Hercules' actions in chronological order outside of their proper context with the intention to make him look as bad as possible: 
  1. Killing small creatures at a young age has become a stereotypical indication of a potential psychopath, so I described him as a "natural born killer".
  2. Wearing fur was PETA's excuse for naked photo shoots, so I highlighted this element of the Nemean Lion story.
  3. If you consider the Lernian Hydra as an animal instead of a monster, you realise that it is the only one of its kind, and thus its destruction can be described as an "extinction event" by modern standards, and is something rightly decried against by myriad environmental advocacy groups worldwide.
  4. Any pet owner would find hunting a pet abhorrent, and thus hunting the Ceryneian Hind which was Artemis' pet seems a horrible act.
  5. Bird shooting continues to be protested annually in Australia each duck season.
  6. Dog lovers hate the idea of dogs being killed. Consider the negative attention police forces worldwide have been receiving for shooting people's dogs when executing warrants, or even chasing fugitives.
So I finished designing this infographic and potential t-shirt design yesterday.

When I showed it to my brother he burst out laughing.
Yes, I made it as a gag. Yes, I'd wear it on a t-shirt. No, I don't know if anyone else finds it amusing.
But the humour belies a potential problem in today's online world of infographics and listicles: 
While I have deliberately misread the past for comedic effect, I understand how this is a flagrant act of misrepresentation. Without that comprehension viewers will see that Hercules was all these things without any consideration to his proper cultural background. That approach to history is something I get into arguments about online. 
It isn't something which has a huge societal impact, but just remember the next time you see a similar infographic, it is very easy to slant the facts to generate a bias in its audience.


Monday, 28 August 2017

Coopting the Classics at Charlottesville

A couple of weeks ago I read an interesting article posted on The Public Medievalist site which discussed how white supremacists have appropriated the concept of the medieval past for themselves. The piece entitled 'Leaving "Medieval" Charlottesville' focussed on the use of medieval emblems on flags and shields carried by the white supremacists while going on to discuss the presence of such people within the medieval reenactment community.
While I am an ancient historian, I am also an artist who adores the aesthetics of symbols and heraldry, especially those of the medieval period. I am not reenactor so I don't often wear things which feature these designs, but I always keep my eye open for beautifully designed emblems relevant to the classical world.
So imagine my shock and horror today when I spotted this photograph illustrating a Wired article about Charlottesville.
Screenshot of Wired articleAs I said, I keep an eye out for classical emblems. In case you can't see it, take a closer look:  

Close up screenshot showing patch featuring helmet and swords





A patch featuring a Greek helmet (I'm not sure if it's Spartan or Corinthian) and crossed swords (maybe gladii)



I am not naive. I have watched Sarah Bond receive death threats for pointing out the nature of polychromy in the classical world and how the stereotype of white marble statues became a later aesthetic movement with attached racial issues. I've also seen the abuse she received for pointing out racial diversity in the extant art of the past on Twitter. I don't think there is an ancient historian or classicist with a social media account in the world who did not witness how right-wing trolls completely lost their minds when the BBC produced a children's cartoon which illustrated non-white members of Roman society in Roman Britain.
The modern perception of the racial past is very much on topic at the moment.
The Public Medievalist's Race, Racism and the Middle Ages series has done a great job in introducing to a wide audience some of the historiography surrounding this issue; approaches which can in some cases be adapted for use in earlier history. I especially found Matthew Chalmer's article 'Anti-Semitism Before Semites' particularly illuminating in this manner. 
Yet the sight of this photograph today shook me. This beautifully designed emblem is the sort of insignia I would normally love to have on a badge, or shirt, or a tote to illustrate my love for the ancient world. I could have unwittingly purchased such a patch online and proudly carried it, believing that it identified me as a lover of the classical world. For all I know, this white nationalist might describe himself similarly. But for me, he has perverted his love for the past. 
In his article on Charlottesville, Paul B. Sturtevant wrote as a member of a medieval reenactment group, the Society for Creative Anachronism, but I am writing as an ancient historian and a consumer. This perversion of classical imagery has made me fearful of buying items which represent my passion because I do not want to accidentally imply that I think I am better than anyone else because of the colour of my skin. When the past is manipulated in such a way, is it little wonder that there a Facebook groups devoted to multiculturalism, race, and ethnicity in classics which devotes most of its efforts to discussing how to make people from diverse backgrounds interested in classics?
So to anyone who deludes themselves into thinking that the classical world was strictly white, guess what? You are wrong!
Multiculturalism existed in the ancient world of the Mediterranean. Sure, it wasn't as apparent as it is today, but people of colour could be found in the great cities and they were definitely represented in art (check this out from The Met, for example).
Your use of classical imagery to illustrate your bigotry also serves to illustrate your ignorance - given that these are hardly mutually exclusive, this is not really a shock. 
But that said, this consumer now feels she needs to double check every possible meaning attributed to such designs (I haven't actually been able to see if this is officially used as the insignia for a specific hate group), because the only thing that sickens me more than a white supremacist is the fear that I might be mistaken for one.

Friday, 25 August 2017

Social media changing my perspective on the Vesuvian eruption of 79 CE

For some reason this year the accepted anniversary of the 79 CE eruption of Vesuvius (24th of August) left me with a feeling of deep sadness. I became fully aware that this was a humanitarian disaster, not just by modern standards, but also Roman standards. 
As an ancient historian I've always tried to not judge ancient societies by the social standards of today, and I've tried to keep top of mind that human life was not valued as highly in the Roman world as it is in my own, and I think being overly aware of this might have coloured my perspective of what happened 1938 years ago.
So what has led me to this new perception of the past? I think it was the cumulative effect of my Facebook newsfeed.
Anyone who is a member of the CAHS - Classics and Ancient History Society at UQ group on Facebook can attest, my Facebook newsfeed is devoted to an awful lot of archaeology and history focussed pages and publications, which allows me to post quite a lot of material to the group. In addition to disseminating this material, it keeps me abreast of news relating to recent discoveries and different views of the past. One of these pages is the official Pompeii page Pompeii - Parco Archelogico. This page had primed me for this shift in focus on the 8th of August with a photograph I hadn't seen before; that of a collection of amphorae left upside-down to dry found outside a warehouse at Oplontis.Accompanying this was a vivid description of how fruit harvests were collected and prepared so they were preserved for the winter, and how old wine amphorae were washed with sea water and left to dry before they were again tarred and reused. They gave no source for this description (much to my annoyance), but the overall effect with this photo was to leave me with a visceral sense of life interrupted. 
Upside-down wine amphorae drying at OplontisA few days prior to this, on the 5th of August, Kristina Killgrove posted a photograph from the work she has now completed at the same site, Oplontis. It was of a woven mat which featured the impression left by a fig which was found under a pedestal of dirt under a human skeleton inside a warehouse. I do not know if this is the same warehouse, but they are near to each other. Dr Killgrove also described the room in which these victims had sought shelter as containing a large number of pomegranates laid out on woven mats.
Woven mat featuring the impression of a fig found under a pedestal of dirt which had been supporting skeletal remains inside a ware house at Oplontis.
These two posts brought home to me the realisation of the time of year at which the eruption occurred: late summer, early autumn.
I had never given that any thought before. To my mind the eruption was 79 CE, and I'd always framed it in two ways: politically, as the year Vespasian died, and in light of the death of Pliny the Elder. Pliny's Natural History is my favourite all time ancient text, so Pliny holds a special place in my heart.
I had always focussed more on Pliny's death rather than his actions immediately preceding it. I was aware of his role in commanding the Roman fleet based in the Bay of Naples to evacuate people trying to flee the eruption, but I hadn't juxtaposed this with the "cheapness of life" trope, and seen how they didn't precisely align. The attempts to evacuate using apparatus of the Roman state, the navy, more closely aligns with a response to a humanitarian disaster rather than the "death comes to us all, and lives are something which can be purchased" idea. I only did this for the first time yesterday.
We know that people were evacuated, and we know that people died close to the shore, hoping that the ships would find them (consider the 55 individuals whose remains were found in boathouses at Herculaneum who were waiting for rescue), but the idea of this being a humanitarian disaster by Roman standards just did not fully occur to me.
Then, in addition to these two posts, the Sententiae Antiquae blog posted Martial's epigram on the eruption to remembrance of the anniversary. I love Martial's work for its playfulness. He was a poet who poked fun at those he thought deserved it with a sharp wit, a sharper stylus, and a sense of "society's ideas of what is right and proper be damned". But when describing this event, my playful, happy poet was gone. Instead he wrote:
This is Vesuvius, but lately green with shade of vines. Here the noble grape loaded the vats to overflowing. These slopes were more dear to Bacchus than Nysa's hills, on this mountain not long ago Satyrs held their dances. This was Venus' dwelling, more pleasing to her than Lacedaemon, this spot the name of Hercules made famous. All lies sunk in flames and drear ashes. The High Ones themselves would rather this had not been in their power.
Shackleton Bailey 1993 Loeb translation of Martial 4.44.
The combination of Martial's solemnity, brought to my attention by social media, and a few social media posts has made me look at the eruption in a new way. I had always been aware of the human loss of life (the plaster cast of the swaddled baby at the Naples Museum when I visited in 2003 got to me, but the chained up dog upset me even more), but today I am viewing the catastrophe differently as a direct result of social media posts. These posts made me acknowledge the not just the destruction wrought by the eruption, but by looking at the materials frozen a sense of the immediacy of it has been highlighted in my psyche. They made me acknowledge the time of year, late summer/early autumn, which would have been exceptionally busy on account of the harvests taking place, and how these yearly preparations were frozen not just in time but in catastrophe. And the posting of Martial's poem, which I hadn't properly read prior to this, made me realise that at the very least, the rest of Italy watched (figuratively) on in horror as this disaster occurred, and made me fully consider the greater implications of Pliny's actions in coordinating evacuations. The eruption was of 79'CE was an ancient humanitarian disaster, and complete societies were destroyed at one of the most important times of the year, and social media posts made me fully realise this.

Saturday, 12 August 2017

Gladiators: more than war prisoners and criminals, and definitely sporting heroes

Having recently visited the Queensland Museum’s exhibition “Gladiators: Heroes of the Colosseum”, I felt compelled to write a response to Alastair Blanshard’s piece for The Conversation where he outlined some concerns regarding the intellectual framework used by the curators.

While I agree with my colleague’s description that the exhibition is not “plagued by doubts or uncertainties” in how it presents its splendid material, I do think that his review of the background of gladiators was also not as nuanced as it could have been for the same reason that the exhibition’s is not: both are trying to convey information to a general audience in an easily understood manner, each using a different approach.

Blanshard correctly points out that gladiators existed “within a very particular set of religious, social, legal, political and economic circumstances”, but it should also be understood that these very circumstances were often in direct conflict with each other. In Roman society those involved in public entertainment, not only gladiators but also actors, were legally the lowest class members of society: they were frequently slaves, but when they were not, they had fewer rights than other citizens or former slaves. In addition to this, as Blanshard correctly points out, the majority of gladiators were slaves as a result of being prisoners of war or condemned criminals. Yet despite this, there are constant references in both literary and legal literature to members of Rome’s most privileged classes, the senatorial and equestrian ranks, fighting as gladiators from the second half of the first century BCE.

Upper class gladiators

In 45 BCE Julius Caesar passed the Julian Law of Municipalities which stated that no one who had been hired out as a gladiator or who trained gladiators could fill a role in public office. Given that social mobility was extremely limited in this period, no member of Rome’s lowest classes (slaves and former slaves were already exempt) could hope to raise the money to win such public offices in an election, so this legislation was not targeting those who were traditionally gladiators, but was introduced to prevent members of Italy’s higher social classes from fighting as gladiators. Indeed, we know that Caesar had been responsible for exhibiting two members of the senatorial class at games he had provided most likely the year before (Suetonius, Julius Caesar 39.1; Cassius Dio 43.23.5).

This legislation does not appear to have been very successful as histories continued to refer to such upper class gladiators and legislation continued to be enacted to prevent them from fighting. Again in 38 BCE, according to the third century CE historian Cassius Dio (48.43.3), a senator desired to fight as a gladiator and legislation was passed to prevent him from doing so, but the same writer also described how a senator fought as a gladiator in 29 BCE (51.22.5). Again in 11 CE, the same historian described how a number of equestrian class members fought as gladiators, watched by Rome’s first emperor, Augustus. This was the same year in which legislation was introduced to prevent any free-born individual below a certain age (25 years old from men and 20 years old for women) from being contracted to perform as any kind of entertainer, including as a gladiator, except when permission had been given by Augustus or his adopted son and successor, Tiberius.

Further legislation, preserved on an inscribed bronze tablet found near Larino in Italy, was enacted again in 19 CE during the reign of Tiberius which not only prevented senators and equestrians from hiring themselves out as gladiators, but was worded to ensure that even their descendents and siblings could not do so “contrary to the dignity of the order to which they belonged”. In addition to outlining the new provisions of the law, it also referred to previous legislation which was enacted to prevent members of Rome’s upper classes from fighting as gladiators and how members of Rome’s privileged classes had sought to get around the law. Indeed prior to this, Tiberius’ own son Drusus had sponsored games at which equestrians had fought as gladiators and one was actually killed (Cassius Dio 57.14.3). Similar stories of equestrians fighting as gladiators were recorded as taking place during the reign of Nero (Cassius Dio 61.9.1) and that legislation banning such behaviour by senators and equestrians was again re-enacted in 69 CE (Cassius Dio 64.6.3).

This is not an exhaustive catalogue of members of Rome’s most privileged classes seeking to fight as gladiators, and does not include the examples of Caligula’s behaviour or the accusations made by Cicero for political purposes against Marc Antony. They all predate the construction of the Colosseum, but are contemporary with the amphitheatre at Pompeii, the site of the gladiatorial competitions in which most of the gladiatorial equipment featured in the exhibition was used. Indeed, the concept of the upper class gladiator became so prevalent in Roman society that the later satirist Juvenal (Satire Two lines 142-8) mocked how members of Rome’s most noble families fought as gladiators; while he was likely exaggerating, satire needs some basis in reality to work.

By performing as a gladiator as a member of Rome’s upper class, you risked social stigmata (most often referred to in Latin as infamia), potentially ruining your public career, and death (though this was decreased once Augustus made it illegal for gladiators not be given the chance to ask for quarter), yet it continued to entice members of Rome’s senatorial and equestrian classes. It is this inexplicable phenomenon which makes using the lens of sport attractive to historians and curators alike. By comparing gladiators to sports stars we can convey to a modern audience its appeal, and try to better understand this desire which is difficult to both determine and quantify.

The appeal of being a gladiator and sport

The appeal to Rome’s lowest free class is obvious: food, housing, and payment, but for privileged members of Rome’s society who did not lack wealth, the appeal had to have been something else again, and this seems to have been public adoration.

The poet Martial (5.24) wrote an epigram for the gladiator called Hermes whom he variously described as the “favourite of the age”, “adored by women”, and “the money-maker for those who sold seats”. Juvenal (Satire Six lines 104-110) described how women found gladiators sexually attractive regardless of how wounded or ugly they might have been. They were described as famous by various writers (for examples see Suetonius, Julius Caesar 26.3; Statius 2.5 line 26; Lucilius 4.11.175; Apuleius, Metamorphosis 10.18), and while their low position in society was often used in rhetorical attacks, their bravery was also used as a teaching device (for examples see Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 2.17.41; Aulus Gellius 12.5.13; Quintilian, Institutions of Oratory 2.12.2-3). Gladiators were even the subject of life-sized portraits (Pliny, Natural History 35.33.52), something which the exhibition might have unintentionally reflected in the life-sized depictions of the various gladiator types included on the walls in one of the galleries. All of these descriptions could easily be changed to describe modern athletes in a variety of sports.

In addition to this, the training required to become a gladiator was not particularly different to that of professional sportsmen, either in the past or today: specialist training was provided by experts; specialist medical care was provided; special diets were provided to gladiators, and while more lavish meals were provided prior to fights, those who viewed their role as a gladiator as profession would go without to increase their chances of victory; and depending on their status as slave or free, even payment, the amount varying depending on the time and their individual fame.

In addition to this, the description of gladiator audiences as fans is totally appropriate. Pliny the Younger (Panegyric 33.3) described that with the accession of the emperor Trajan, audience members could once more freely “express their enthusiasm and show their preferences without fear! No one risked the old charge of impiety if he disliked a particular gladiator...” referring to how Domitian had the supporters of gladiators which opposed his favourite publicly put to death. In addition to this, Epictetus the philosopher (Discourses 3.15.5-8) described how children sometimes “play athletes, again gladiators, again they blow trumpet, and then act a play about anything they have seen and admired”, and went on to say that this was not just the habit of children. Such behaviour is not so dissimilar to that of children today or the fans of any kind of sport today.  The exhibition rightly describes this as a form of sport and their use of items such as lamps and one terracotta figurine indicates that a market for merchandise associated with gladiatorial competitions existed, just as it does for sports today.

Gladiators and religion

Blanshard’s assessment that the exhibition does not fully address the issue of how gladiatorial exhibitions fit into Rome’s religion is a fair statement, but I think this was likely to result of two issues: a lack of artefacts with which to illustrate its nature, and an ongoing tendency for the vast majority of modern scholarship on Roman games to treat all forms of Roman public entertainment isolated from their religious backgrounds especially when addressing the period from the reign of Augustus onwards.  In only the last decade has scholarship started to address how religion was the original purpose of all forms of public entertainment, and the little work which has been done recently has been done by scholars of Roman religion, not public entertainment specialists. Please note that the friezes which focussed most on this were fourth century BCE, and this focus on religion by the curators closely mirrors the majority of scholarship addressing the religious roots of public entertainment to date. Given this trend in modern scholarship, I was pleasantly surprised by the amount of attention given to religion in the exhibition.  The panels label all the gods which featured on the greaves and helmets, pointing out religious connotations where possible.  The one place where more could have been made of it religious nature is the panel devoted to the procession which preceded the games, as this was a very religious act, but it still makes the point that an altar and images of the gods were carried in.  Perhaps if more religious items which could be securely associated with gladiatorial battle were included in the exhibition, more might have been made of it.  That said, the inclusion of musical instruments, one half of a double flute (tibia) and a signalling horn, are wonderful inclusions.

The confused nature of the place of gladiators in Roman society

As just this cursory examination of how gladiators fit into Roman society indicates, this cannot be easily conveyed, especially via the medium of ancient artefacts.  The confused social position of the gladiator was even acknowledged in antiquity.  The Christian writer Tertullian (died around 240 CE) wrote in his work On Spectacles (22):

“Take even those who give and who administer the spectacles; look at their attitude to charioteers, actors, athletes, gladiators, most loving of men, to whom men surrender their soul and women their bodies as well, for whose sake they commit sins they blame; on one and the same account they glorify them and they degrade and diminish them; yes, further, they openly condemn them to disgrace and civil degradation; they keep them religiously excluded from council chamber, rostrum, senate, equestrian rank, and every other kind of office and a good many distinctions. The perversity of it! They love whom they lower; they despite whom they approve; the art they glorify, the artist they disgrace. What sort of judgement is this—that a man should be blackened for what he shines in? Yes, and what a confession that things are evil, when their authors at the top of their popularity are in disgrace!”



Testing the limits of what they allow
Much of Blanshard’s criticism of this exhibition is the result of what happens when an exhibition created for a general audience is visited by a specialist, but his description of gladiators as criminals and prisoners of war does not fully reflect the reality of who gladiators were, or how they fit into Rome’s complicated culture. As someone who specialises in Roman policies towards public entertainment, I think this exhibition has done a commendable job of conveying an extremely confusing Roman cultural phenomenon to a general audience by using a comparison which a modern audience understands and a number of specialists within this field have used, sport.

Go see this exhibition. The artefacts shown are wonderful, its panels informative (I especially enjoyed seeing the fresco of the riot in the Pompeii’s amphitheatre enlarged enough to see the fighting in the audience), and the chance to try on a replica gladiatorial helmet cannot be missed, but they will only let you pretend to fight with your brother.  I checked.

For further information on the legislation preventing members of the upper classes from performing as public entertainers, see B. Levick, 1983 "The Senatus Consultum from Larinum", Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 73, pp. 97-115.

Sunday, 25 June 2017

Museum Exhibitions and Changing Perspectives

On Friday the Gladiators, Heroes of the Colosseum exhibition opened at the Queensland Museum, and it has already had an impact upon me despite the fact I haven't yet seen it. My brother is working as a volunteer, and he came home from his first day posing a question he was asked but was unable to  answer: "Did gladiators wear padding inside their helmets?"
The Museum has gotten some helmet reproductions for people (they were thinking about children but adults aren't letting the kids have all the fun) to try on and have their photos taken. Apparently they are very heavy and a little uncomfortable, so the question is literally top of mind.
I didn't know the answer, so I immediately started looking into it. Reenactors were arguing that they did, and some based their theory on what they see as an undergarment on friezes and mosaics. The picture below is of one they suggest supports the theory. I'm not completely won over, but I do concede that padding would be safer and more comfortable, but where's the irrefutable evidence?
Detail of a mosaic depicting gladiators being separated by a referee, late-3rd century AD, House of the Gladiators, Kourion, Cyprus https://www.flickr.com/photos/carolemage/
So I started looking for discussions on helmets, and was shocked to see Juvenal's Sixth Satire (a work I've read multiple time before) appear:
But what were the good looks and youthfulness that enthralled Eppia and set her on fire? What did she see in him to make her put up with being called a gladiator's groupie? After all, her darling Sergius had already started shaving his throats and with his gashed arm had hopes of retirement. Besides, his face was really disfigured: there was a furrow chafed by his helmet, an enormous lump right on his nose, and the nasty condition of a constantly weeping eye. But he was a gladiator. That's what makes them into Hyacinthuses. 
Lines 103-110 Braund translation (Loeb Classical Library)
Never had I paid any attention to the description of what the helmet had done the the fictional Sergius' head. I'd noted his injuries, his medical condition, the idea that he might soon retire, and that it was only through his role as gladiator that he had any physical appeal, but that chafed furrow from his helmet had never caught my imagination, until my brother passed on that question he was asked.
Yes, I'm looking forward to going and seeing the exhibition, and you bet I'm going to have my photo taken in one of those helmets, but I am looking forward to the questions posed by the public that my brother will bring home to me far, far more. Those questions will be posed by people with few (if any) preconceptions about what is known or understood, with the exception of movies, and as a result their questions draw the mind to reconsider what we assume, and that is why exhibitions like this make our research better and stronger.
Exhibitions make for stronger research outcomes.